From the Politico:
"Donald Tusk trashes Budapest as possible Ukraine talks venue
“Maybe I’m superstitious, but this time I would try to find another place,” says Polish PM as he recalls 1994 memorandum.
From the Politico:
"Donald Tusk trashes Budapest as possible Ukraine talks venue
“Maybe I’m superstitious, but this time I would try to find another place,” says Polish PM as he recalls 1994 memorandum.
Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk on Wednesday criticized the idea of Budapest being a potential venue for peace talks between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
“Budapest? Not everyone may remember this, but in 1994 Ukraine already got assurances of territorial integrity from the US, Russia and the UK. In Budapest,” Tusk said. “Maybe I’m superstitious, but this time I would try to find another place.”...
Hungary would be an uneasy venue for Ukraine. The 1994 memorandum, signed there by the U.S., U.K., Ukraine and Russia, pledged to respect Kyiv’s sovereignty in exchange for its nuclear disarmament. But Putin’s 2014 assault on Ukraine and the lack of military support from signatories rendered the guarantees essentially meaningless.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Trump who has continued to cultivate ties with the Kremlin despite Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, has not yet publicly commented.
On Feb. 25, 2022, one day after Russia attacked Ukraine, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó suggested Budapest even then as a safe location “for both the Ukrainian and Russian sides.”
Russian officials have tempered expectations that any sort of encounter between Putin and Zelenskyy was on the horizon..."
From the Defense Express, Aug. 21
"Dispute Over Drone Production for Ukraine at Renault Exposes Russian Footprint in French Trade Unions
The issue was reported by bfmtv, citing one of the company's managers and trade union representatives. The General Confederation of Labour (Confédération Générale du Travail or CGT) has stated that workers are asking whether they can refuse to take on such an assignment...
Although the company has produced military equipment in the past, trade unions emphasize that this happened only when France itself was at war. This argument is not entirely accurate, since before the sale of ARQUUS, Renault Trucks Defense supplied chassis for the Caesar self-propelled howitzer. Still, the situation is not entirely bleak, as a partial solution may already be emerging.
One proposal is to launch drone production at Renault's plant in Slovenia, thus avoiding the involvement of French personnel. While the idea is interesting, it is unlikely that discontented workers will simply let the matter drop.This is not just a political dispute over differing views but a deliberate campaign unfolding under russian influence. Moreover, it is not the first time French trade unions have acted this way: back in 1939, they actively sabotaged defense production during the Soviet–Nazi cooperation period.
Overall, despite Renault's vague responses, the company is likely to move forward with defense production, as the French state is its largest shareholder. However, the situation highlights the dangerous factor of russian interference in French politics."
Translating from Faktor, Aug. 20:
"Thirty questions to Donald Trump
They cannot help but be asked after the insane meeting in Alaska between the American president and the Kremlin mass murderer
Svetla Dobreva
Translating from the Dialog, Aug. 20:
Russia offered Ukraine its "security guarantees" – The Internet is laughing at Lavrov's statement
Lavrov proposed returning to "security guarantees," where Russia would have veto power over any aid to Kyiv.
Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov stated that Russia will not accept any security guarantees for Ukraine if they are developed without Moscow's participation. He proposed returning to the "Istanbul 2022 model"—a document in which Russia not only was listed as a guarantor but also granted veto power over any aid to Kyiv...
In other words, Russia attempted to push the idea that is should control who and how assists Ukraine in the event of further aggression. Kyiv, in response, did not even comment on these statements. In Ukrainian and Western circles, this position has long been perceived as empty talk.
Social media is mocking Lavrov's statement. "It's like Hitler becoming the guarantor of Jewish security," one online commenter joked...
Any model in which Moscow can veto international aid is no longer on the table, Kyiv says, especially given the 2022 scenario, when Russia first held talks in Istanbul and then continued military escalation."
From DonPress, Aug. 20:
"...Russia already had international treaties signed with Ukraine. It violated them all. How can we trust that Russia won't violate the treaties it signed again? For example, the 2003 border treaty was personally signed by Putin.
1. Budapest Memorandum (1994)
- Violation: annexation of Crimea (2014), full-scale invasion (2022).
2. Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership (1997)
- Violation: annexation of Crimea, war in Donbas (2014), invasion (2022).
3. Russian-Ukrainian Border Treaty (2003)
- Violation: violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity (2014, 2022).
4. Kharkiv Agreements (2010);
- Violation: annexation of Crimea (2014)
5. Minsk Agreements (2014, 2015)
- Violation: failure to observe the ceasefire, support for military operations in Donbas (2014), invasion (2022)."
From the Institute for the Study of War:
"Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, August 19, 2025
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov accurately stated that the Kremlin’s objective in Ukraine is to politically control all of Ukraine rather than to seize select Ukrainian territories such as Donetsk Oblast. Lavrov claimed in a televised interview on August 19 that the Kremlin has “never talked about the need to seize any territories” from Ukraine and that Russia’s goal was not to seize Crimea, Donbas, or other areas of Ukraine.[1] The claim seems bizarre in the context of Russia’s repeated demands that Ukraine and the West recognize Russia’s annexation of Ukrainian territory, including territory Russian forces do not control. It reflects the deeper Russian aims in Ukraine, however, quite accurately. Lavrov reiterated that Russia’s war objectives concern “protecting” the people in Ukraine from the Ukrainian government, which the Kremlin falsely portrays as illegitimate and oppressive.[2] Lavrov’s description of the Kremlin’s aim to “protect” Ukrainians from their own government reflects the fact that the Kremlin seeks to remove the democratically elected Ukrainian government and replace it with a pro-Russian government that would allow the Kremlin to control Ukraine without needing to fight for physical control over territory or annex it. Lavrov notably made demands during the interview that reject Ukraine’s sovereignty including that Ukraine repeal laws regarding language and religion that are the proper concern only of the government of a sovereign state. Lavrov stated explicitly “there can be no talk of any long-term [peace] agreements” with Ukraine “without respect” for Russia’s security and the rights of Russian-speakers in Ukraine, as “these are the reasons that must be urgently eliminated in the context of a settlement.”[3] The Kremlin’s continued insistence on controlling Ukrainian domestic affairs reflects the arguments made by Russian President Vladimir Putin in his 2021 essay arguing that Ukraine should not exist independently of Russia.[4]
Lavrov’s August 19 statement further emphasizes the Kremlin’s broader objective of obtaining full political control over Ukraine before Russia ends its war.[5] Considering Russia’s territorial demands separately from demands concealed by its references to “root causes” obscures the reality that the Kremlin views its war demands as indivisible – the Kremlin aims to accomplish all of these goals and has shown no willingness to compromise any of them or sacrifice some for others to facilitate or complete a peace process. The Kremlin has repeatedly defined its war aims as Ukrainian demilitarization, government change in favor of a pro-Russian proxy government, and Ukrainian commitments barring it from joining NATO and other international alliances.[6] Kremlin officials have consistently reiterated throughout the war and negotiations process that Russia will achieve these war aims either militarily or diplomatically in line with Lavrov’s August 19 statements.[7]
Russia launched the full-scale invasion in 2022 after failing to secure control over Ukraine by other means. Russia has long attempted to exert control over former Soviet states through continuing cognitive warfare efforts.[8] Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, in which the Ukrainian people protested for a transparent Western-style government, threatened effective Russian control over Ukraine and prompted the Kremlin to launch a series of cognitive warfare efforts in order to stop and reverse the loss of Russian influence in Ukraine.[9] Russian President Vladimir Putin accelerated his efforts to undermine Ukrainian sovereignty following the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution that drove out Ukraine’s Russia-friendly president, Viktor Yanukovych, and in favor of a democratically elected, pro-Western government.[10] Russia illegally occupied and annexed Crimea in response, accelerated hybrid operations, and backed separatist forces in eastern Ukraine.[11] Putin tried to force Ukraine to legitimize the Russia-invented Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR) in the 2015 Minsk II accords that established the ceasefire that Russia broke fully in 2022. The Kremlin pressured Ukraine to extend the legal limited autonomy of the regions in December 2019 and to enshrine broader autonomy for Donbas as a constituent part of Ukraine into the Ukrainian Constitution so that the DNR and LNR could serve as conduits for Russian influence in and ultimately control over the government in Kyiv, but Ukraine rejected this effort.[12] The Kremlin ultimately launched the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 after this failure to bring Ukraine back under Russian control. Putin has long denied Ukrainian sovereignty and alleged that Ukrainians have always belonged to the Russian nation because of their shared “historical and spiritual space.”[13] Putin used these claims as part of his justification for the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, which was the culmination of eight years of failed efforts to regain control of Ukraine through hybrid warfare campaigns.
Russia similarly seeks to exert influence over the internal governance of other former Soviet countries, including NATO states, effectively denying their sovereignty and setting conditions to threaten their independent governance. Russian officials are setting informational conditions to justify exerting control over former Soviet states, including NATO members Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, by denying the legality of the collapse of the Soviet Union.[14] The Kremlin asserts its right to interfere in the internal affairs of the Baltic States by prosecuting officials who remove Soviet-era war monuments and citizens who graffiti them within these states’ sovereign territories in absentia under Russian law that does not apply to those states.[15] Russia notably launched one of the first ever cyberattacks against Estonia in response to the Estonian government’s decision to relocate a Soviet “Monument to the Liberators of Tallinn.”[16] Russian efforts to exert control over the Baltics has failed. Russia has been much more successful in establishing control over both Belarus and Georgia, however, by launching hybrid operations in both countries and backing pro-Russian governments that are loyal to the Kremlin.[17] The Kremlin now seeks to bring Belarus further into Russian control through the Union State framework and to eliminate the facade of an independent Belarus completely.
Lavrov implicitly rejected suggestions that Russia might accept Western security guarantees for Ukraine. Lavrov stated on August 19 that Russia and Ukraine cannot make any long-term agreements that do not take into account Russia’s “security interests,” very likely referring to Russia’s demand for Ukrainian “neutrality.”[18] Russian officials have long insisted on Ukrainian neutrality and non-alignment with NATO as a precondition to negotiations, and Russia is likely setting information space conditions to oppose Western security guarantees for Ukraine.[19] Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) Spokesperson Maria Zakharova stated on August 18 that Russia “categorical[ly] reject[s]… any scenario that envisages the appearance in Ukraine of a military contingent with the participation of NATO countries.”[20] The Kremlin’s demand ostensibly for Ukraine’s neutrality is in fact meant to isolate Ukraine from its allies and deny Ukraine its sovereign right to form alliances even as Russia insists on de facto control over Ukraine’s domestic internal affairs.[21]"
Translating an opinion by Israeli journalist Igal Levin in the Obozrevatel, Aug.19:
"Why Putin Opposed the Ceasefire: The Detail Everyone Missed
Why did Putin oppose a ceasefire at his meeting with Trump and propose an alternative in the form of signing a comprehensive agreement to end the war?
That is, a peace treaty.
There's a point here that, as I've pointed out, some are missing. A ceasefire can be arranged overnight; all that's needed is an order, and then it's up to the field commanders to comply. A ceasefire can end a war with the snap of a finger if senior and field commanders on both sides comply. Or, at the very least, minimize and reduce violence on the front to the bare minimum.
A peace agreement, however, is a complex and lengthy process that can take years or even decades. A few examples off the top of my head:
Egypt and Israel – ceasefire in 1973, peace treaty in 1979 – took 6 years.
Jordan and Israel – ceasefire in 1949, peace treaty in 1994 – took 45 years.
Ukrainian diplomat Andriy Veselovsky in the Obozrevatel, Aug.19:
"...There are people who constantly push Trump toward the "Putin scenario." The logic there is simple: "We are negotiating to negotiate, and in the meantime, we are fighting and killing.""
In the Dialog, Aug. 18, Russian human rights activist Vladimir Osechkin commented the land swap suggested by Trump:
"What did Putin offer Trump? What can he offer Ukraine and Zelenskyy? Some kind of land swap. Is he ready to swap Kaliningrad for Crimea, for example? Of course not. This is not up for discussion. He has no intention of giving up Russian territory. They have seized about 20% of Ukraine's territory and are ready to exchange some of that territory for another part of Ukraine. Where is the legality in this from an international legal perspective? What does Ukraine gain from this?
What did Whitkoff say less than a day ago? That Putin's concession is that he won't seize all of Ukraine. If we translate this into everyday terms, it's like some thug comes along, breaks the leg of a normal, intelligent, well-mannered, law-abiding person, and then negotiators come along and say, "Listen, you negotiate with him on something. He, in turn, suggests you leave everything else intact." This, I think, is completely out of line.
Essentially, the world is following the lead of dictator Putin right now. That is, if you have nuclear weapons and the arrogance, you can move forward. It's hard to comment on all this live on air. "
Russian opposition journalist Michael Nacke in the Dialog, Aug. 18:
"I won't recount all the information insanity that poured out yesterday. Let's quickly run through the main players. Let's start with Putin's stooge, Witkoff. He reiterated the concession Russia agreed to. According to him, this concession is not to seize all of Ukraine. A good concession, a great one. I could make a concession to Witkoff and, in exchange for Trump giving me 3-4 US states, sign a paper stating that I won't seize the rest of America. I hope they consider it soon.
I mentioned the piece of paper for a reason. Witkoff says that Ukraine's security guarantee will consist of (take a deep breath, as Zadornov would say) Putin writing into law that he will not attack Ukraine or Europe. Here, of course, the Kremlin is taking advantage of the fact that Trump and Witkoff are short-sighted people. I mean, Russia already gave written commitments not to attack Ukraine, and then gave a hundred thousand such verbal commitments. You know how it ended.
Moreover, the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation currently contains Article 353, which reads as follows: "Planning, preparing, unleashing, or waging an aggressive war. First: planning, preparing, or unleashing an aggressive war is punishable by imprisonment for a term of 7 to 15 years. Second: waging an aggressive war is punishable by imprisonment for a term of 10 to 20 years." So, as I've said many times, Putin and his comrades are criminals under Russian law, and any police officer has the right to detain them."
Trump's Aug. 18 post on Truth Social:
"President Zelenskyy of Ukraine can end the war with Russia almost immediately, if he wants to, or he can continue to fight. Remember how it started. No getting back Obama given Crimea (12 years ago, without a shot being fired!), and NO GOING INTO NATO BY UKRAINE. Some things never change!!!"
From the Institute for the Study of War:
"Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, August 17, 2025
...Russian President Vladimir Putin’s insistence that any peace agreement must address Russia’s perceived “root causes” of the war will make it difficult to reach a peace agreement as rapidly as Trump desires, given the complexity of the “root causes.” Putin reiterated his ongoing demand that any peace agreement must eliminate the “root causes” of the war during the joint press conference at the Alaska summit on August 15.[21]... Marco Rubio responded to a question regarding Putin’s demands at the Alaska summit during an interview with Face the Nation on August 17, stating that Putin’s demands to address the alleged “root causes” allude to long historical complaints that the Kremlin has repeatedly invoked.[25] Rubio stated that the United States is not going to focus on the “root causes” but rather on halting the fighting.
Russia’s “root causes” extend beyond Ukraine, and eliminating them would require substantial negotiations with NATO. Russian officials have defined one of the “root causes” of the war as NATO’s alleged violation of commitments not to expand into eastern Europe and along Russia’s borders in the 1990s, 2000s, and 2010s.[26] Russia issued a broad set of ultimatums to the United States in December 2021 demanding that NATO commit to not accepting Ukraine or any other countries as new members; not deploy any military forces to states that became NATO members after May 1997; refrain from military activity in Ukraine, Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia; and refrain from deploying intermediate-range missiles within range of Russian territory.[27]... Russia’s demands about the “root causes” are demands for massive NATO concessions that would jeopardize NATO’s integrity and European and US security more broadly.
Putin’s offer of a Russian law forbidding a future invasion of Ukraine is not credible because Russia has already twice broken previous binding international commitments not to invade and because Putin has shown that he can freely change Russian law as he desires. US Special Envoy for the Middle East Steve Witkoff stated on August 17 that Putin agreed during the Alaska summit that Russia would “legislatively enshrine” promises that Russia would not invade any other territory in Ukraine or elsewhere in Europe – likely referring to the creation of new Russian legislation or amendments to the Russian Constitution.[28] Putin has extensively disregarded and amended the Russian Constitution to support his political objectives, as evidenced by the Kremlin’s manipulation of the 2020 vote for a constitutional amendment to allow Putin to run for president again in 2024 and potentially remain in power until 2036.[29] Putin’s two invasions of Ukraine also broke Russia’s obligations under the 1994 Budapest Memorandum to respect the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine within Ukraine’s borders at the time.[30] Russia has continually violated international agreements prohibiting aggression against Ukraine, including the Minsk agreements.[31] Putin’s promise to codify Russian promises against future aggression into Russian legislation or the Russian Constitution is neither credible nor a concession, and there is no evidence to suggest that Putin would abide by any such law forbidding a renewed invasion of Ukraine after concluding a peace agreement.
The details about Ukrainian security guarantees to which Putin may have agreed remain unclear at this time, but the Kremlin may be attempting to resurrect its demands about security guarantors from April 2022 that would have neutered such guarantees. Axios stated on August 16 that sources briefed on Trump’s call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and European leaders after the Trump-Putin meeting in Alaska stated that Putin said he was willing to discuss security guarantees for Ukraine and mentioned the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as one of the possible guarantors.[32] Witkoff stated on August 17 that Trump and Putin came to an agreement that the United States and Europe could “effectively offer Article 5-like language” as a security guarantee for Ukraine against future renewed Russian aggression – referring to NATO’s collective defense clause.[33] Putin’s reported suggestion that the PRC could be a security guarantor mirrors Russia’s proposed peace settlement in Istanbul in April 2022. The April 2022 proposed treaty listed the PRC, several Western states, and Russia as the security guarantors for Ukraine.[34] Russia demanded in the proposal that guarantor states provide Ukraine with aid in the event of a future attack only after all guarantor states had agreed to such a decision. The PRC is a close Russian ally that has significantly helped the Russian war effort and defense industrial base (DIB), and the PRC would not be a neutral guarantor.[35] Russia’s involvement in the guarantee would make it meaningless. The parameters of the security guarantees for Ukraine that Putin is reportedly willing to accept are unclear. Any future peace settlement that includes stipulations similar to the demands that Russia made in April 2022 requiring unity among guarantor states would enable the PRC (or Russia, if Russia is one of them) to veto any decisions to help Ukraine in the event of another Russian invasion..."
Translating from the Factor:
"The United States is no longer the "shining city on the hill" to the world, but rather the madman with the machine gun
By Iliana Slavova, Aug. 18, 2025
On Friday, the world witnessed the most ridiculous political play involving an American president ever enacted. The leader of the greatest (until recently) democracy and the dictator of the most despised satrapy met on the red carpet. They shook hands, patted each other, touched each other, gesticulated with a grin, curtsied to each other for the cameras… And all this while the war instigated by Putin continues to sow death and claim innocent victims in Ukraine.
Then they got into the same car without their translators, like schoolgirls running away from class. Let them make noise to their heart’s content. Except this isn’t about school mischief, it’s about war crimes. Whatever they secretly said to each other on the way from the Anchorage airport to the meeting place affects the fate of the world and the lives of millions of people.
The sight was more than just ridiculous. It was disgusting and sad, as the former Ukrainian ambassador to the United States, Valery Chaly, put it. It was cynical. It was a slap in the face of Ukraine, which is paying with its blood for Putin's imperial madness. It was also a slap in the face of the entire democratic world, whose leader Trump could have been if he had not chosen to collude with the war criminal from the Kremlin. To roll out the red carpet for him for killing hundreds of thousands of people, torturing prisoners of war and civilians, kidnapping children, committing genocide. Oh, yes, he gave him a letter from his wife, who is concerned about the kidnapped Ukrainian children. But that is no reason to ruin his relationship with Putin, which he describes as "fantastic."
When it comes to Putin, everything is fantastic for him. And his meeting is a "ten out of ten", even though it fell short of his expectations. On the way to Alaska, he arrogantly announced that he "would not be happy" if he returned without a ceasefire agreement. After Alaska, he solemnly repeated Putin's thesis that instead of a truce, a comprehensive peace agreement should be concluded, when it happens, if it happens. Until then, the Russians can freely pour their bombs on hospitals and playgrounds. He arrived with his concept, and returned with that of Putin, whom he was supposedly going to convince.
The Kremlin stole the show from him. The Russian autocrat received his honors and vindication after three years of isolation – he was once again recognized as a global factor, and the overthrown Russia as a great power. Without giving up an iota of his claims and goals. The world media wrote that Putin had received what he dreamed of – to be accepted as an equal by the leader of the number one power in the world. In fact, he received more than that. And much more than imposing his negotiating positions. He was left to deploy a hybrid campaign to push through an imperial strategy.
From the CBS:
"Full transcript: Secretary of State Marco Rubio on "Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan," Aug. 17, 2025
/ CBS News
The following is the full transcript of an interview with Secretary of State Marco Rubio that aired on "Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan" on Aug. 17, 2025.
...
MARGARET BRENNAN: Vladimir Putin did not give President Trump the ceasefire he sought. And now Putin says the root causes of the conflict have to be resolved in a peace agreement. Isn't the root cause the fact that Russia invaded in the first place?
SEC. RUBIO: Well, ultimately, yeah. But I mean, what he means by root causes is this long historical complaints that we've heard repeatedly. This is not a new argument, he's been making this for a long time, and it's the argument that it's Western encroachment. I don't want to get into- it's just so long. But the bottom line is that all of- you know, we're not going to focus on all of that stuff. We're going to focus on this: are they going to stop fighting or not? And what it's going to take to stop the fighting. And what it's going to take to stop the fighting, if we're being honest and serious here, is both sides are going to have to give, and both sides should expect to get something from this. And that's a very difficult thing to do. It's very difficult because Ukraine obviously feels, you know, harmed, and rightfully so, because they were invaded. And the Russian side, because they feel like they got momentum in the battlefield, and frankly, don't care, don't seem to care very much about how many Russian soldiers die in this endeavor. They just churn through it. So I think what the President deserves a lot of credit for is the amount of time and energy that his administration is placing on reaching a peace agreement for a war that's not a war that started under him. It's half, you know, it's on the other side of the world. That said, I mean, it's relevant to us. But there are a lot of other issues he could be focused on. So tomorrow, we'll be meeting with President Zelenskyy. We'll be meeting with European leaders. We just met with Putin. He's dedicated a lot of time and energy because he has made it a priority of his administration to stop or end war- stop wars or prevent them. And right now, this is the biggest war going on in the world. It's the biggest war in Europe since World War Two. We're going to continue to do everything we can to reach an agreement that ends the dying and the killing and the suffering that's going on right now.
MARGARET BRENNAN: You know this well, how long these kind of diplomatic negotiations often take. President Trump was telling European leaders what was discussed was Putin demanding control of Donetsk, a region in the east that his forces do not fully hold, and the UK estimates that taking that full area could be as long as another four years. Putin also is demanding Russian be an official language in Ukraine, and something regarding Russian Orthodox churches. Did the U.S. accept all of what Putin laid out at that table?
SEC. RUBIO: The United States is not in a position to accept anything or reject anything, because ultimately, it's up to the Ukrainians. They're the ones that Russia has to make peace with, Ukraine with Russia--
MARGARET BRENNAN: --Well, the President said he did come to some agreement--
SEC. RUBIO: --It's up to the Ukrainians to make these conditions... We'll be discussing all of these things, because ultimately, we do need to find areas where we're making progress and try to begin to narrow the gap between the two sides. But there's a reason why this war has been going on for three and a half years, and that is, when it comes to the big issues here, there are still some big differences between both sides. Let's see how much progress we can continue to make. It's- it's- it's not been easy, but it's something the President's made a priority. Peace. And he deserves a lot of credit for that.
MARGARET BRENNAN: But ultimately, if- if Vladimir Putin is going to be offered land that he has not seized yet, but negotiates his way into, doesn't this set a dangerous precedent that the United States now accepts this concept that it is okay to seize land by force?
SEC. RUBIO: Well, Putin has already seized land by force, and that, in and of itself, is not a positive precedent. This whole war is a negative precedent--
MARGARET BRENNAN: -- Are you demanding withdrawal?--
SEC. RUBIO: --precedent. Well, again, here's the- in order to have a deal here to end- to reach the end of this conflict, both sides are going to have to make concessions. That's just the facts--
[CROSSTALK]
MARGARET BRENNAN: But does that mean accepting--
SEC. RUBIO: --in any negotiation--
MARGARET BRENNAN: --where Russian forces are now?
SEC. RUBIO: No, no, but, if- But this is not about acceptance. This is about what Ukraine can accept. And what Russia can accept... Territories will have to be discussed...
MARGARET BRENNAN: I understand you, you can't get into specifics in a public conversation, but we're looking at Russian troops and strikes intensifying. Did you hear anything from Vladimir Putin that indicated he is willing to make a single concession?
SEC. RUBIO: Well, I think there are a couple. I mean, there were- not enough for Ukraine, if not we would be announcing a peace deal this morning, right? But- but certainly, there are some things we notice changes... This is a war. It's going to get worse. It's not going to get better, and that's why the President is investing so much time in bringing this to an end. And, by the way, everyone is begging us to be involved in this. The Europeans want us involved. The Ukrainians want us involved. Obviously, the Russians want us involved because the President is the only leader in the world- if this is possible, he's the only one that can help make it happen.
MARGARET BRENNAN: Well, he's got the leverage over Vladimir Putin if he wanted to crush his economy or at least do more damage to it, but you have held off on those secondary sanctions. President Trump told Fox News his advice to President Zelenskyy is make a deal, Russia's a very big power and they're not. You know there is concern from the Europeans that President Zelenskyy is going to be bullied into signing something away. That's why you have these European leaders coming as back up tomorrow. Can you reassure them?
SEC. RUBIO: No, it isn't. That's not why they're coming as back- that's not true. No but that's not, why, that's not true. They're not coming here tomorrow to keep Zelenskyy from being bullied. They're not coming- in fact --
[CROSSTALK]
MARGARET BRENNAN: Well that February Oval Office meeting in front of television cameras, where President Zelenskyy was dressed down --
SEC. RUBIO: -- Do you know how many meetings we've had since then?
MARGARET BRENNAN: Oh, no, I know. And I was just up in Alaska --
SEC. RUBIO: Yeah, but we've had a bunch of meetings since then.
MARGARET BRENNAN: -- watching the one with Vladimir Putin where a red carpet was rolled out for the Russian leader. It was very different--
SEC. RUBIO: -- No, but it wasn't Zelenskyy. We've had more meetings, we've had, we've had, we've had one meeting with Putin and like a dozen meetings with Zelenskyy. So that, but that's not true. They're not coming here tomorrow to keep Zelenskyy from being bullied. They're coming here tomorrow because we've been working with the Europeans. We talked to them last week. There were meetings in the UK over the following, the previous weekend --
MARGARET BRENNAN: -- And they said the President Trump was going to demand a ceasefire --
SEC. RUBIO: -- The President's talked to these leaders as early as Thursday. No, no, but you said that they're coming here tomorrow to keep Zelenskyy from being bullied. They're not coming here tomorrow- this is such a stupid media narrative that they're coming here tomorrow because the- Trump is going to bully Zelenskyy into a bad deal. We've been working with these people for weeks, for weeks on this stuff. They're coming here tomorrow because they chose to come here tomorrow. We invited them to come. We invited them to come. The President invited them to come.
MARGARET BRENNAN: But the President told those European leaders last week that he wanted a cease fire. The President went on television, said he would walk out of the meeting if Vladimir Putin didn't agree with him. He said there would be severe consequences if he didn't agree to one. He said he'd walk out in two minutes. He spent three hours talking to Vladimir Putin, and he did not get one, so--
SEC. RUBIO: --Because obviously something, things happen during that meeting..."
From the Daily Beast / Yahoo!News:
"Putin Takes Victory Lap Following Trump’s Ceasefire Summit Flop
Russian state media and Kremlin officials are gloating about the warm reception Vladimir Putin received after landing on U.S. soil for the first time in a decade to meet with President Donald Trump on Friday.
Trump’s red-carpet rollout, excited clapping, friendly handshakes, and joint ride in “The Beast” limousine are being cited as proof by Putin allies that the Russian president is no longer the pariah the West has been painting him to be since his full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
“Western media are in a state of derangement verging on complete insanity: For three years they told about Russia’s isolation, and today they saw a red carpet rolled out for the Russian President in the U.S.,” Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova wrote on Telegram in response to Putin’s Alaska summit with Trump.
U.S. President Donald Trump claps at the approach of his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, who is the subject of an international arrest warrant for alleged child abduction. / Anadolu / Anadolu via Getty ImagesFormer Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, a close ally of Putin who now serves as deputy chairman of Russia’s Security Council, suggested that the meeting was a tacit acceptance of one of Putin’s key demands: the continuation of Russian attacks on Ukraine while diplomatic talks occur.
Trump has long maintained that a ceasefire is a precondition for diplomacy, yet he has reportedly backed away from that demand following Friday’s summit.
“Important: the meeting proved that negotiations are possible without preconditions and simultaneously with the continuation of the Special Military Operation,” Medvedev wrote on Telegram.
According to Medvedev, both Putin and Trump now appear to agree that Ukraine and Europe, not Russia, bear responsibility for ending the war—another key Russian diktat.
“The main point: Both sides directly placed responsibility for achieving future results in negotiations on ending hostilities on Kyiv and Europe,” Medvedev wrote.
In an interview with Fox News’ Sean Hannity following the meeting on Friday, Trump did shift responsibility for peace to Ukraine, saying that “now it’s really up to President Zelensky to get it done.”
“I would also say the European nations… have to get involved a little bit. But it’s up to President Zelensky,” Trump continued...
Yuri Podolyaka, an extremely influential Ukrainian-born, pro-Russian military blogger, told his 3 million followers on Telegram that the meeting was a “master class in how to wrest a total victory from a difficult starting position.”
“We will now watch the results that should follow. They will come, but not the ones expected in Kyiv, London, or Brussels. They certainly won’t like the outcome,” Podolyaka wrote.
Podolyaka further celebrated the notion that sanctions appear to be completely off the table as Russian influence over the outcome of the war grows.
Ivor Bennett, Sky News’ Moscow correspondent, echoed Podolyaka’s sentiment by reporting that the reaction in Russia to Putin’s meeting with Trump is “nothing short of triumphant.”
CNN senior international correspondent Frederik Pleitgen further noted that “the Russians are pretty happy with the way that the Trump-Putin summit went down.”
In the U.S., Trump administration officials have largely echoed the president’s sentiment that the meeting was “very productive” and “great progress.” That said, it has been alleged that behind the scenes, the reaction from Trump’s inner circle has not been as enthusiastic.
The president’s former National Security Adviser John Bolton told CNN that Putin “clearly won” after leaving the meeting with everything he hoped to achieve.
Trump, for his part, released a groveling video praising the Russian leader in the wake of their talks, thanking him multiple times for his attendance.
“There were many, many points that we agreed on, most of them, I would say,” Trump noted in the video."
From the KyivPost:
"OPINION: The Flashy Trump-Putin Summit Without Ukraine Was a Rehearsal for Betrayal
Preliminary conclusions about what the stagecraft in Alaska produced, or rather failed to deliver
The Alaska summit looked like a breakthrough – for Russia.
The White House and the Kremlin leaders sat down to discuss Europe’s security, while Ukraine was left outside the room. The message was unmistakable: Kyiv’s fate was being argued over its head, and President Volodymyr Zelensky was reduced to protesting from the sidelines.
For Vladimir Putin, simply showing up was a victory. He received the red-carpet treatment, the military flyovers, the photo-op handshake – the optics of parity with the United States. At the press conference, he even claimed that he and Donald Trump had reached an “understanding” on Ukraine. He never explained what that meant, but the line alone was enough to spin back home: Russia as co-author of Europe’s future.
But the choreography cracked. Planned events were abruptly scrapped, and both sides left early. The press conference, meant to include questions from journalists, was reduced to a scripted monologue. The dinner and follow-up talks were canceled outright. What was billed as a show of strength collapsed into a hasty retreat.
Even those inside the room sensed it. Fox News reporter Jacqui Heinrich observed: “The way that it felt in the room was not good. It did not seem like things went well. And it seemed like Putin came in and steamrolled, got right into what he wanted to say and got his photo next to the president and then left.”
The talks yielded no signed deals, but the signals were troubling. Trump floated the idea of offering Ukraine security guarantees outside NATO. On the surface, it sounded like protection. In reality, it echoed one of Moscow’s oldest demands: Keep Ukraine out of the alliance. Simply putting the option on the table handed Putin a propaganda victory and chipped away at Kyiv’s most important strategic goal.
Nothing concrete emerged. No ceasefire. No frozen lines. No binding documents.
Trump insisted he would not decide Ukraine’s sovereignty or territory in its absence. That stopped short of bargaining Ukraine away. But the bigger truth was clear: The summit gave Russia the stage, while Ukraine had no voice.
Putin used the moment to recycle his favorite myths. He spoke of Russian place names in Alaska, “brotherly” ties with Ukrainians, and monuments from World War II. He wrapped conquest in nostalgia, as if memory could excuse murder. But this was not heritage. It was theater – and the curtain was soaked in blood.
The reality is unambiguous: Russia’s war has nothing to do with “security.” It is not won by reducing Mariupol to rubble or filling mass graves in Bucha. Safety is not found in the missiles that pound Odesa and Kharkiv. These are not acts of defense. They are the crimes of an empire trying to erase its neighbor. To call them anything else is obscene.
The smiles in Alaska were no less fraudulent. Putin praised “dialogue” while his troops shelled Ukrainians on their own territory. He stood on American soil as if a statesman, while behaving at home as an invader. This is not diplomacy, is theater meant to disguise a war of conquest.
Peace will not come from Western restraint or carefully staged summits. Peace will come only when Russia leaves every inch of Ukrainian land it has stolen.
And let us be clear: The Russian leader does not seek peace. He seeks recognition of conquest. He wants the world to accept that borders can be erased, that sovereignty is conditional. That is not peace – it is surrender dressed up as statesmanship. Europe once learned where appeasement leads. To repeat that mistake now would not end this war. It would spread it.
Putin’s talk of “neighbors” and “brothers” is the most poisonous lie of all. Neighbors do not invade. Brothers do not massacre children. Only an invader calls himself a brother while brandishing a knife.
The true lesson of history is not found in Alaska’s toponyms or Soviet memorials. It lies in what happens when free nations fail to confront a tyrant. Ukraine is fighting not only for its own survival, but for the principle that the future cannot be stolen by those who fear it.
That is why Alaska matters. The summit gave Putin the illusion of legitimacy, the stage to rehearse his fables, and the photo he wanted beside an American president. Ukraine, meanwhile, was left to answer from outside the door. Even without treaties signed or borders redrawn, the imbalance matters. In diplomacy, appearances become ammunition.
The lesson is urgent: Ukraine must never again be a guest in discussions about its own survival. Every summit without Kyiv and representatives of its genuine European supporters is not a path to peace, but a rehearsal for betrayal. And that is why this war will not end with Putin’s nostalgia or Trump’s theatrics.
It will end with valiant and undefeated Ukraine setting the terms, and not external bullies."
From the KyivPost:
"OPINION: Translating JD Vance – Making Sense of Gibberish
To know what the Trump administration’s plan for Europe is, it would be wise to pay attention to what they say about Ukraine – and read between the lines.
Vice-President JD Vance told Fox News on Sunday:
What we said to Europeans is simply, first of all, this is in your neck of the woods, this is in your backdoor, you guys have got to step up and take a bigger role in this thing, and if you care so much about this conflict you should be willing to play a more direct in a more substantial way in funding this war yourself. I think the president and I certainly think that America, we’re done with the funding of the Ukraine war business. We want to bring about a peaceful settlement to this thing. We want to stop the killing. But Americans, I think, are sick of continuing to send their money, their tax dollars of this particular conflict but if the Europeans want to step up and actually buy the weapons from American producers, we’re OK with that, but we’re not going to fund it ourselves anymore.
Before translating his statements, it is essential to clarify some basic points.
Firstly, there is no such thing as the “Ukraine war business.”
It is an unjustified, unprovoked and horrific full-scale Russian war of aggression in gross violation of international law. Ukraine is the victim, and Russia is the internationally recognized aggressor. Full stop.
The only one turning the war into a business opportunity is the US. It has stepped away from a value-based foreign policy to a transactional one. As a consequence, it has stopped supporting a partner. It has started selling weapons to European allies for them to donate to Ukraine. It is demanding access to Ukrainian minerals in exchange for “nothing.” It is offering Ukrainian territories and maritime economic zones for the restoration of US/Russian relations and increased trade.
Secondly, Europe is not involved because it “cares so much” about the war.
In the words of Daniel Hannan (former member of the European Parliament), “We are backing Ukraine because it is the wronged party. We are sending it weapons because it was attacked without provocation by a neighbor to whom it presented no threat. We are training its soldiers because, when Ukraine agreed to hand over its nuclear arsenal in 1994, it did so in exchange for an explicit promise that its independence would be respected within its existing borders – a promise guaranteed by Britain, the United States and (never forget) Russia.”
Europe is standing up for principles Russia has grossly violated, and the US has flagrantly turned its back on.
Thirdly, the war is not in Europe’s “neck of the woods” or its “backdoor.”
The war in Ukraine is – as I have been persistently stressing – only a part of a much broader confrontation. Russia’s strategic aims and objectives go far beyond Ukraine. It sees the West as the enemy, demanding a sphere of interest over parts of NATO territory. It is trying to rewrite international law and undermine Western global dominance with the support of China, Iran and North Korea. It is already waging a hybrid war in Europe and the US. It is a war with global repercussions, a war that involves more than 60 countries and that is extremely worrisome, similar to the run-up to World War II... Vance’s framing of the war as a “European problem” stands in stark contrast to the global realities.
Fourthly, Europe’s taxpayers are no less keen to fund wars than Americans.
Supporting Ukraine is, however, no less crucial than funding our national defense, internal security and law enforcement, emergency management and civil protection, public health and biosecurity or cybersecurity and infrastructure protection. We are doing it because failure to invest in either of the mentioned areas – including Ukraine – will result in catastrophic loss of life, economic collapse, and political instability. It is not a matter of choice or whether taxpayers like it or not. Europe is supporting Ukraine because it is the only smart thing to do when facing a clear and present threat.
That said, several analyses show that most of the US past defense aid to Ukraine remained within the American economy, creating jobs, upgrading the Defense Industrial Base, strengthening the supply chain, and replenishing US stockpiles with modern systems. Estimates suggest that between 60% and 90% of funds were used domestically, strengthening both US security and its economy.
The US’s decision to stop funding Ukraine means that it is effectively stopping funding its national security. That is just plain stupid.
Lastly, Europe is not funding Ukraine. It is funding security and stability.
When European leaders call on Trump to protect Ukraine’s interests during the forthcoming talks with Putin, they stress that it is all about “Ukraine and Europe’s vital security interests.” International law. The restoration of peace. Global stability. The rules-based world order. It’s security and stability. National defense. Shared values.
The failure to fund any of these will have far-reaching global repercussions.
So, what was the VP really saying in the Fox interview?
If you replace “Ukraine” with “Europe,” you get the gist of it. European security and stability are directly linked to the destiny of Ukraine. The latter has been protecting NATO territory – fulfilling the task of the Alliance – for nearly four years. It is commonly recognized that Russia will not stop at Ukraine’s western borders. It has repeatedly told the West as much, as it is preparing for the next phase of the war.
Europe has slowly come to grasp that it risks a full-scale conflict with Russia by 2029-30. Its concerns grow by the day as the US seems dead set on enabling the Kremlin by rewarding its war of aggression.
President Trump insists on negotiating European security over the heads of Europe (and Ukraine, obviously). He is proposing recognizing occupied territories as Russian, lifting sanctions and restarting trade. Trump is supporting Putin’s demands for a change of the Ukrainian president and government and is opposing Ukrainian NATO membership. He is prepared to give Putin nearly all he is asking for in exchange for a reset of relations and business opportunities.
Ignoring the broader confrontation – and utterly failing to understand our common strategic opponent and “the extremism of Putinism” – President Trump is prepared to strengthen Russia’s economy, enabling it to quickly reconstitute its Armed Forces and prepare for the next assault.
When one replaces “Ukraine” with “Europe,” one realizes that Vance was paraphrasing Project 2025. He talked about the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and its commitment under the Washington Treaty.
The Trump administration wants Europe to handle Russia alone while helping America fight China. Project 2025 spells it out: “US allies must play their part not only in dealing with China, but also in dealing with threats from Russia, Iran, and North Korea.” It stresses that NATO must be transformed so that its “allies are capable of fielding the great majority of the conventional forces required to deter Russia while relying on the United States primarily for… nuclear deterrent,” and other selected capabilities, while “reducing the US force posture in Europe.”
The US does not want to commit to fighting wars in Europe but seeks to commit Europe to fighting wars in the Indo-Pacific area...
When the US stops funding Ukraine, it essentially stops funding European security. It turns its back on its NATO commitment and disgracefully fails to honor the thousands of European casualties suffered in support of the US-led operations.
While President Trump reaffirmed the US’s commitment to NATO’s Article 5 during the Hague Summit, the sum of statements and actions by his administration paints a very different picture. After all, President Trump has threatened allies with landgrabs by military force, annexation, started a trade war and increasingly aligned his foreign policy with that of Russia. The President sees the EU, which represents most of the US’s European allies, as “worse than our so-called enemies.” He argues that the EU “was formed in order to screw the United States.”
On top of that, Trump is offering Russia generous concessions before negotiations have even started. He is making concessions at the peril of European security without inviting the US allies to the table.
European security can no longer be based on the hope that the US will honor its NATO commitment when all signs indicate that it will not. President Trump and his administration have persistently demonstrated that they cannot be trusted.
The US’s commitment must be put to the test.
Europe must invoke NATO Article 5 because of Russia’s hybrid war. Since Russia’s aggressions – its attempts to undermine NATO from within, its influence operations, its acts of sabotage and assassinations, its interruption of navigation systems, its cyberattacks and more – are on record, an American decision to refuse Article 5 will tell us everything we need to know.
It is, after all, far better to know today that the US will not back it than the day after the war starts. This realization will enable alternative solutions – like the Coalition of Like-Minded Countries I recently suggested – while it is still relevant.
If NATO has become a liability, effectively stopping all debates about a new and credible military alliance, it is crucial to conclude, as this will trigger a process that we most urgently need. Europe must know. Not hope. It must act. Not wait.
Europe must embrace the US as a part of the problem and Ukraine as a part of the solution. It urgently needs to form a Coalition of Like-Minded European Countries."