From the Obozrevatel:
"Europe's Scandinavian Front: Several Reasons Why the North Is Helping Ukraine Most Actively and Effectively
Roman Pryadun, November 3, 2025
While Western Europe cautiously considers political risks, and continental giants weigh the balance between supporting Ukraine and their own military and economic fears, Scandinavia is acting swiftly, decisively, and principledly. Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland have become a center of resolve that reminds the rest of Europe that Russian dictator Putin is at war not just with Ukraine, but with the entire European security space.
The Scandinavian countries have become what Western Europe once was after World War II – a moral and strategic core. They are not afraid to call a spade a spade: Russia's war is a war against the West, and Ukraine is only its front line. Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland are not simply assisting Kyiv. They are defending themselves while reminding the rest of Europe that security is not a matter of words, but of action. The reasons for this activity are not limited to moral or humanitarian considerations. In Scandinavia, it is a strategic, historical, and even existential choice.
Now that Russia has once again turned war into a political instrument, it is the North that is speaking clearly: either we stop the aggressor on the Ukrainian border, or he will test the strength of our own borders.
Historical memory: "Russians" are enemies, not partners
Scandinavian countries remember well what it's like to live next to an evil empire that considers its neighbors "zones of influence." They don't need anyone to explain the "Russian world"—they've seen it through generations. And the word "Moscow" doesn't conjure up associations here, only defense.
Finland fought two wars with the Soviet Union (1939-1940, 1941-1944) and lost some territory. Helsinki is well aware that compromising with Moscow often means losing independence. Sweden maintained neutrality for over two centuries, but after 2022 realized that neutrality no longer protects if Russia views weakness as an invitation. Norway, which borders Russia across the Arctic line, maintains particular vigilance in a region where Moscow is actively militarizing its bases. Denmark survived Nazi occupation in the 1940s and was a frontline power for a long time during the Cold War. Its fear of repeating its experience of impotence has shaped a strategic culture of active defense.
Their political culture is shaped by the experience of surviving alongside forces that always sought to dictate terms. This collective experience has shaped not just a fear of Russia, but an instinct for collective defense. This is precisely why the countries of the North don't believe in compromise with this "creature" and understand better than anyone else that Russia must be fought together, not negotiated.
From Neutrality to Leadership
For decades, the Scandinavian countries prided themselves on their neutrality—not because they were afraid, but because they could afford to remain on the sidelines. But the world has changed: Russia's war against Ukraine has made neutrality dangerous. Now, the North is not only joining NATO (like Finland and Sweden), but also setting its tone. When Copenhagen or Helsinki talk about defense, it's not a gesture, but a plan. Their policies are characterized by discipline and predictability, something the continent sorely lacks.
The North doesn't believe in double standards. This is precisely why it enjoys a moral authority that the older European centers are losing. Where the South balances between "realism" and "war weariness," Scandinavia acts out of the conviction that refusing to support Ukraine would be tantamount to betraying its own principles. And this moral impulse translates into geopolitical force: aid is measured not only by money but also by clarity of position.
Security Calculations: War Close to Home
Denmark doesn't directly border Russia. However, they share a maritime border in the Baltic Sea. Norway shares a land border with Russia, but it's very short—about 196 km. Sweden doesn't share a border with Russia; Finland lies between them, and Finland has a long land border with the aggressor, over 1,300 km—one of the longest in Europe.
But all of Scandinavia is still geographically closer to war than it appears on the map. Russian strike systems from Murmansk or Kaliningrad can reach any point in the North. The Baltic Sea has become a theater of potential confrontation: underwater cables, pipelines, drones, and unknown explosions are already part of a hybrid war. The Arctic is becoming a new front. For Scandinavians, aid to Ukraine is an investment in their own security, a way to "stop an aggressor on foreign soil, so as not to fight on our own."
The North understands perfectly well: if Russia defeats Ukraine, the balance in Europe will be destroyed. The Kremlin will gain resources, territory, and a psychological advantage—and then even sanctions won't hold them back. Therefore, every euro or weapon sent from Copenhagen or Stockholm isn't a gift to Kyiv, but an investment in their own defense. They help not only out of solidarity, but also out of rational fear. And this fear, unlike the southern comfort, generates action.
Political Culture: Responsibility, Solidarity, and Collaboration
Nordic politics is characterized by clear concepts of rules, respect for the law, institutions, and trust, while the Scandinavian mentality is deeply rooted in the notion of justice, equality, and mutual assistance. For them, aid to Ukraine is not simply an act of international solidarity, but a matter of self-respect. Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland have a distinctive political ethic—honesty, simplicity of decision, and a lack of ostentatious ego. This is why Copenhagen and Stockholm don't seek a "historical role," but do what they believe is right. Northern Europe acts not for popularity, but out of a sense of duty—political and moral.
Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has become perhaps the most consistent leader in Europe – from organizing "reconstruction under fire" in Mykolaiv to calling for the confiscation of frozen Russian assets. Sweden unhesitatingly provided Ukraine with Archer artillery systems, even though this meant a shortage for its own army, and also plans to begin supplying its own aircraft. Norway, having received windfall energy profits following the Russian invasion, faithfully transferred part of these funds to a special "Ukrainian Fund" for five years – a rare example of political morality in action. Finland immediately supported sanctions, arms transfers, and Ukraine's accession to the EU, effectively ending its own history of "neutrality through fear."
Help wisely, not loudly
The Scandinavian model isn't just generosity, it's effectiveness. Their aid to Ukraine isn't just for show; it's structured. They don't just send weapons; they create models of cooperation: funding defense production in Ukraine, reconstructing devastated regions, and pooling technologies. This isn't a one-time donation, but an investment in Europe's resilience.
While southern capitals talk of a "Marshall Plan after the war," the North is already implementing one during the war. Denmark is funding Ukrainian arms purchases in Ukraine, rather than lengthy European tenders. Sweden and Finland are providing technological assistance – from armored vehicles to air defense and reconnaissance systems. Norway supports Ukraine with stable, multi-year financial packages. Furthermore, these countries don't have large defense concerns dictating policy. They don't need to promote their own tanks or howitzers. They can afford to "do what makes sense for Ukraine."
The Danish Phenomenon: Maximum Aid from a Small Country
From the very first days of the war, observers' attention was drawn to Denmark – a country small and remote from the front, yet remarkably resolute in its support for Ukraine. Its role has already gone beyond a symbolic gesture of solidarity – Copenhagen has become one of the largest per capita donors of defense aid, surpassing even some of the "big" allies. The reasons for this: political will, financial stability, historical memory, and the simple logic of survival – all of this creates a unique model of support. Denmark doesn't simply send weapons or money – it creates a system.
Prime Minister Frederiksen is forthright in her statements: Europe is already the target of a hybrid war. It must understand that Putin's war with Ukraine is also directed against the West. Therefore, it's time to finally stop playing a wait-and-see attitude and start thinking about organizing a collective force and defense that will stop Putin. This rhetoric is not unique. French President Emmanuel Macron appears no less decisive. But as of June 2025, France has provided Ukraine with €7.56 billion in aid, compared to €10.1 billion from Denmark, whose economy is almost a quarter of its size.
A key element of Danish aid is the city of Mykolaiv. Denmark signed an agreement to help build warships in the port of Mykolaiv just weeks before the war began, in February 2022. When Frederiksen visited Kyiv in April of that year, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy asked her to take on the city's reconstruction, and she simply agreed. She was able to do so easily because she knew that the majority of Danes would support her for many reasons. By August of this year, Copenhagen had spent €213 million on aid to the region. The Danish government will allocate an additional €225 million to the city over the next three years.
The so-called Danish model is a system of purchasing weapons from Ukrainian manufacturers and sending them directly to the front lines. It's a solution to the problem that Ukraine has far greater capacity to produce weapons than the funds to acquire them. The Danes believe it makes more sense to help Ukraine buy more Bogdan self-propelled howitzers, which it can build in three months and maintain itself, than to supply French-made Caesar-type howitzers at $4.2 million per unit. Denmark doesn't have a large defense industry of its own to promote, so it's easier for it to do what makes sense for Ukraine—helping it buy weapons it can produce and afford—than to do what creates jobs and income for domestic arms manufacturers.
Scandinavians sincerely stand in solidarity with Ukraine
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